From:
Once in a while we hear about some good news that is happening in the world. I missed seeing any reports of the situation in Bangladesh. That is, until World Ark published by Heifer International, printed a report by Stephen Smith in the Summer 2009 issue.Considered an international basket case, it nearly starved to death in the 1974. Since then that little country teeming with overpopulation has transformed itself to become a symbol of hope with important lessons for the rest of the world seeking to end global poverty.
The poverty rate has fallen steadily since 1974 from 75 percent to 60 percent in 1992 to less than 40 percent today. Life expectancy has risen from 45 years to more than 63 years. The literacy rate has doubled, and gender parity has been achieved.The author lists five major reasons.
First, emphasis on a rice crop using modern seed and methods, irrigation and roads.
Second,the population growth rate has now fallen to less that 2 percent.
Third, NGOs, or nongovernmental organizations, have played a central role involving the citizens by the millions in education and leadership.
Fourth, the garment industry has provided jobs and income for hundreds of thousands of women.
And fifth, money sent home from workers from other countries now provides more that 8 percent of the gross domestic productThe author believes that Bangladesh is an example of foreign aid that allows and encourages people to help themselves. It is still a very poor country with many problems, but progress is being made.
Don Rea, Albany
Wednesday, August 5, 2009
Friday, July 31, 2009
The frustrating AL council
From weekly HOLIDAY:
Despite eloquent sermons and stridently voluble speeches enunciating the crucial indispensability of intra-party democracy from the grassroots to the upper echelon at the centre by the Awami League (AL) stalwarts, including of course the party chief herself more often than not, the last week's much-trumpeted council meeting's outcome has upset a large section of the party leaders. The council congregation has 'decided' that as before for decades since 1980s Sheikh Hasina has again become the party President, and-as was presumed --- Syed Ashraful Islam the Secretary General.
Sheikh Hasina has called upon her party workers, activists and leaders to abstain from any propensity towards superciliousness. This message may be translated as a caution to those who have in the recent past showed crude demonstration of political clout in educational institutions. Her observations regarding those who attempted reforms in the Awami League during her confinement in jail by the military-backed regime should begin afresh.
The AL's election manifesto assuring 'digital Bangladesh' robustly pledged that old order shall change yielding place to the new, marching towards the 'vision 2020' strengthening democratic culture in the letter and the spirit; but the verbose bang has turned into a whimper. This may or may not have embarrassed the so-called pro-AL intellectuals and think-tanks; well, going by their nature it is very probable to surmise that many of these intellectuals will not utter a syllable countering the presence of familiar faces again.
And it is likely that they will now put forward a fresh argument that at this point of time Sheikh Hasina shall have to be in saddle though much was potently verbalised in favour of democratic culture. Personality cult and charisma dominate the political scene in both the AL and the BNP. Let alone exactitude in the process and conduct of a party council attended by councillors from the length and breadth of the country --- it is not transparent if in the bottom at Upazila level polls had held to elect councillors --- even at the centre, barring a few in the inner sanctum the party veterans were kept in the dark.
Looking back, the first Opposition party of the then Pakistan founded in 1949 --- inconceivable after a year and a half of the Partition of India --- the Awami Muslim League came into being under the wise and able leadership of Moulana Bhashani, H S Suhrawardy, and others. With Bhasahani as the founding President, its Secretary was Shamsul Huq --- and the founders made it sure that things were conducted fairly and transparently.
In 1953 when the AL was only three years old it was possible to organise party council; and then Sheikh Mujibur Rahman as secretary supported Moulana Bhashani in defiance of his mentor Suhrawardy's stand that the word 'Muslim' be retained in the nomenclature Felicitations and congratulations are pouring in for the top leader but the golden mare of grassroots democracy still remains an illusion. Dynastic politics has been the order in the subcontinent with Indira Gandhi, Sirimavo Bandernaike, Benazir Bhutto, Khaleda Zia and Sheikh Hasina in power. Again the next generation leaders emerged from some of the families here and elsewhere.
This tendency ill behoves for a strong party whose survival may hang in the balance in the absence of these charismatic leaders --- and then there may be a saddening vacuum in the leadership hastening triviality and inconsequentiality. For their own good they should avoid the old family-centred practice if they at all wish their parties to stand on their own feet, because old guards part their ways and gradual weakening of a party begins then subsequently unknown scenario could surface in the political horizon in which leaders may be ruthless and self-seeking oblivious of the cherished old values and ethos. Indeed, no well-meaning citizen could want that to happen.
Despite eloquent sermons and stridently voluble speeches enunciating the crucial indispensability of intra-party democracy from the grassroots to the upper echelon at the centre by the Awami League (AL) stalwarts, including of course the party chief herself more often than not, the last week's much-trumpeted council meeting's outcome has upset a large section of the party leaders. The council congregation has 'decided' that as before for decades since 1980s Sheikh Hasina has again become the party President, and-as was presumed --- Syed Ashraful Islam the Secretary General.
Sheikh Hasina has called upon her party workers, activists and leaders to abstain from any propensity towards superciliousness. This message may be translated as a caution to those who have in the recent past showed crude demonstration of political clout in educational institutions. Her observations regarding those who attempted reforms in the Awami League during her confinement in jail by the military-backed regime should begin afresh.
The AL's election manifesto assuring 'digital Bangladesh' robustly pledged that old order shall change yielding place to the new, marching towards the 'vision 2020' strengthening democratic culture in the letter and the spirit; but the verbose bang has turned into a whimper. This may or may not have embarrassed the so-called pro-AL intellectuals and think-tanks; well, going by their nature it is very probable to surmise that many of these intellectuals will not utter a syllable countering the presence of familiar faces again.
And it is likely that they will now put forward a fresh argument that at this point of time Sheikh Hasina shall have to be in saddle though much was potently verbalised in favour of democratic culture. Personality cult and charisma dominate the political scene in both the AL and the BNP. Let alone exactitude in the process and conduct of a party council attended by councillors from the length and breadth of the country --- it is not transparent if in the bottom at Upazila level polls had held to elect councillors --- even at the centre, barring a few in the inner sanctum the party veterans were kept in the dark.
Looking back, the first Opposition party of the then Pakistan founded in 1949 --- inconceivable after a year and a half of the Partition of India --- the Awami Muslim League came into being under the wise and able leadership of Moulana Bhashani, H S Suhrawardy, and others. With Bhasahani as the founding President, its Secretary was Shamsul Huq --- and the founders made it sure that things were conducted fairly and transparently.
In 1953 when the AL was only three years old it was possible to organise party council; and then Sheikh Mujibur Rahman as secretary supported Moulana Bhashani in defiance of his mentor Suhrawardy's stand that the word 'Muslim' be retained in the nomenclature Felicitations and congratulations are pouring in for the top leader but the golden mare of grassroots democracy still remains an illusion. Dynastic politics has been the order in the subcontinent with Indira Gandhi, Sirimavo Bandernaike, Benazir Bhutto, Khaleda Zia and Sheikh Hasina in power. Again the next generation leaders emerged from some of the families here and elsewhere.
This tendency ill behoves for a strong party whose survival may hang in the balance in the absence of these charismatic leaders --- and then there may be a saddening vacuum in the leadership hastening triviality and inconsequentiality. For their own good they should avoid the old family-centred practice if they at all wish their parties to stand on their own feet, because old guards part their ways and gradual weakening of a party begins then subsequently unknown scenario could surface in the political horizon in which leaders may be ruthless and self-seeking oblivious of the cherished old values and ethos. Indeed, no well-meaning citizen could want that to happen.
Wednesday, May 27, 2009
Bangladesh’s global ranking
Well, we topped the TI’s corruption list for consecutive four years. But what about Bangladesh’s global ranking in other areas? See a handy list, courtesy of WolframAlfa, a new computational knowledge engine, being dubbed as a new threat to Google. It makes all systematic knowledge immediately computable by anyone. One needs to enter question or calculation, and WolframAlpha uses its built-in algorithms and growing collection of data to compute the answer.
Here are some ranking for Bangladesh:
1. Area 94th
2. Population 7th
3. Population density 10th
4. Population growth 73th
5. Life expectancy 186th
6. Median age 145th
7. GDP 63th
8. GDP at parity 49th
9. GDP per capita 202th
10. GDP real growth 70th
11. Gini index 39th
12. Unemployment rate 177th
For details on Bangladesh data, visit here.
And this one puts Bangladesh's democracy at 119, corruption at 134 and press freedom at 112.
Joy hok ranking businesser!
Here are some ranking for Bangladesh:
1. Area 94th
2. Population 7th
3. Population density 10th
4. Population growth 73th
5. Life expectancy 186th
6. Median age 145th
7. GDP 63th
8. GDP at parity 49th
9. GDP per capita 202th
10. GDP real growth 70th
11. Gini index 39th
12. Unemployment rate 177th
For details on Bangladesh data, visit here.
And this one puts Bangladesh's democracy at 119, corruption at 134 and press freedom at 112.
Joy hok ranking businesser!
Friday, May 22, 2009
Sucularism and Bangladesh's 1972 Constitution
From weekly HOLIDAY:
After the Government decided to withdraw the appeal in respect of the decision regarding the Fifth Amendment to the Constitution, some people are saying that "Bismillah" will disappear and "secularism" will reappear. Others are saying that "Bismillah" will remain but "secularism" will reappear. Yet others presume that there will be "discontinuity" (whatever that means) and chaos.
MPs and Article 65
This writer understands one thing, and that is: the Constitution can be amended by two-thirds of the total members of Parliament according to Article 142, but the expression "members of Parliament" (MPs) definitely means persons elected under Article 65 of the Constitution. When the Constitution is suspended by extra-constitutional means fully or partially, there can't be an election under the Constitution whatever the then Chief Justice Muhammad Munir of Pakistan had said in support of martial law. 300 or so people entering the building, designed by architect Louis Kahn, by any means other than under the provisions of the Constitution do not constitute Jatiya Sangsad or Parliament. They have no authority to legislate anything, let alone amend the Constitution.
Similarly those who gate-crashed Bangabhavan or were dragged to that place were not our Presidents. One does not become a constitutional President merely by taking an oath. However, my intention today is only to offer my views on the title of this write-up. A complicated and serious subject like the Constitution is not my usual cup of tea. So I'll start in a lighter vein. I believe that the reader will not find it completely out of context.
I have a friend who is six feet tall, maintains good health and has always been neatly attired according to the latest sartorial vogue. In my youth I used to envy him; today I do it even more. Once while taking delivery of some clothes he had ordered earlier, a beautiful pair of suit belonging to another customer attracted his notice. He immediately asked the tailor to make a suit exactly like that one. As his measurement was already available with the tailor, my friend did not ask him to take it again. The tailor accepted the order and followed the word "exactly" exactly. The other customer, whose suit appeared attractive to my friend, was only five feet four inches tall. Since he is a very handsome man, my friend did not look bad at all in his new suit. He looked like a respectable scarecrow. Needless to say, the suit was soon discarded.
No bedtime story-book
The Constitution of a country is not a bedtime story book; it is of immense importance and significance. If it makes good reading and enshrines lofty ideals and modern humanitarian principles, it does not mean that it is suitable for every country. To be workable a constitution must relate its provisions to the reality prevailing in the country concerned. The history and traditions of the country have also to be taken into consideration.
At the end of 1972 the so-called '16th Division' was still at large roaming with an unaccounted number of arms and ammunition; political extremists of both the left and the right were wantonly killing each other in the countryside and thugs and extortionists of all degrees and dimensions were active everywhere. Since the Government had called the army 'in aid to civil power', I would say that the Government recognised the fact.
1972 Constitution: No emergency provision
Unlike the preceding constitutions of the sub-continent, the Constitution of 1972 did not even have the provision of preventive detention nor did it empower the Government to declare an emergency. But in 1974 emergency was declared according to the Second Amendment Act which had made provisions for it. The Constitution in its original form would perhaps work in the land created by Begum Rokeya in her Sultana's Dream. I do not blame the framers of the Constitution because the euphoria of our liberation had made all of us so optimistic that we lost sight of reality.
4 amendments in 25 months
The framers of the Constitution decided to amend it thrice (including the introduction of the provision of declaring emergency) before making their fourth and final "amendment" only within 25 months of its adoption. I have put the word amendment within quotation marks because of the remarks of Justice Shahabuddin: "... The Constitution Fourth Amendment Act, dated 25 January 1975, changed the Constitution beyond recognition in many aspects ... The change was so drastic and sudden; Friends were bewildered, Enemies of Liberation had their revenge and the critic said with glee that it is all the same whether damage to democracy is caused by democratically elected persons or by undemocratic means like military coup." (Anwar Hossain Chowdhury Vs Bangladesh 41DLR(AD) 165).
Drastically changed by framers
No hue and cry was raised by the protagonists of the Fourth Amendment and when in 1996 the Awami League (AL) won a majority in the Parliament, they elected Justice Shahbuddin the President though there were aspirants from among the party members. The Awami League deserves to be commended for their tolerance and objectivity.
The fact that the Constitution had to be so drastically changed by its creators within about two years of its adoption is an assertion that it wasn't suitable for us. Some people may be embarrassed by this statement and argue that the 1972 Constitution was suitable when it was adopted and the Fourth Amendment was the requirement of 1975. But this argument seems to lead us to an even more embarrassing situation. It amounts to saying that the Constituent Assembly in general and those steering the drafting of the Constitution in particular did not have the statesman-like quality of seeing only two years ahead. A Constitution of a nation is not a bundle of ad hoc regulations; it is the way of life a nation chooses for itself. It is meant to last a long time; more or less permanent.
Therefore, it is better to admit that the excitement of our liberation had made us adopt some provisions for which we were not ready. The Constitution of the USA was amended 27 times over the past 130 years or so. The Bill of Rights, which was ratified and became effective in 1791, is not considered a single amendment but it counts as ten amendments because it introduces 10 provisions. If we follow this system of counting, what was done in January 1975 would amount to more than 150 amendments as at least 150 items (articles, sub-articles, sub-sub etc) were changed, introduced or deleted.
I do not want to say whether or not 'secularism' should be inserted again in our Constitution because of the sensitivity of the subject and my ineptitude in dealing with such matters. There are many progressive and democratic countries where the concept of secularism is respected, but they refer to the Divine authority in the preamble or in the articles of their constitutions. These constitutions also ensure religious freedom. Most democracies of West Europe and other developed nations have such provisions. The word 'secular' or 'secularism' is found in only a few constitutions. To save space I'll give only one example. In deference to the country's architect Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, who had more than once expressed his desire to make Bangladesh the Switzerland of the East, I have chosen the Constitution of Switzerland. The preamble of the Swiss Constitution begins with "In the name of God Almighty! We the Swiss People and the Cantons..." and Article 15 ensures freedom of faith and conscience.
US: "In God we trust"
Those who do not want to invoke divine blessings in the Constitution should try to find the answer to this question: What is it that the Americans respect the most? -- US Constitution! Democracy! Freedom of Speech! Hollywood Stars! Religious Leaders! Art and Literature! Iraq, Afghanistan and Pakistan! -- WRONG. Is it money? RIGHT. That is why they have inscribed the words "IN GOD WE TRUST" in their bank note and God seems to have taken note of that. Everybody accepts the USD. I simply love it.
I wish my employer paid me as many USD as the number of Taka I receive. Please don't misunderstand me. I am not saying this for any mundane gains but because USD trusts God while most other currencies rely on His humble creations like kings, chancellors and governors. I don't know of any case where by invoking Divine blessings someone became a loser. Bangladesh, India and Pakistan may be different in terms of political status (due to pressure from religious extremists, the desire to create chaos and division by the departing colonial power and finally because all of us agreed to take a wrong turn in 1947) but they are inseparable historically, similar in cultural and absolutely the same insofar as religiosity or as adherence to religion is concerned.
As I already said that I don't want to enter into the argument of whether the Constitution of Bangladesh should reintroduce the word 'secularism' as we are more emotional and less rational while dealing with this subject. I will only mention what India gained by introducing the word 'secular' so that we might draw lessons from there. The old adage is true. For good or for evil what Bangladesh thinks today the rest of India thinks tomorrow.
Indian Constitution: 42nd amendment
In 1976 by the 42nd Amendment Act the Indian Constitution adopted secularism. The relevant portion of the amendment reads as follows: "2.? Amendment of the Preamble. In the Preamble to the Constitution,- (a) for the words "SOVEREIGN DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC" the words "SOVEREIGN SOCIALIST SECULAR DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC" shall be substituted;"? When did the Indian Government lose its secular character? The ball started rolling fast immediately after that amendment!
What prompted the Government of Indira Gandhi to initiate the amendment was not a demand from the people of India. There was none. In the seventies religious extremists of India as a political force began to make headlines in some magazines of considerable influence (published outside India) and which for international strategic reasons did not want to see India flourish as a secular, democratic and powerful state. Indira Gandhi panicked and in a state of panic she failed to remain in her best form. Section 2 of the 42nd Amendment gave a long and strong handle to the religious extremists to exploit the masses.
BJP, Babri Mosque etc
In four years time the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) formally came into existence. The 42nd Amendment made it all the more easy to turn the Golden Temple into a Golden Fort, the demolition of the well-known Babri Mosque at Ayodhya and the burning to death of many Christians. Ultimately India saw a party like the BJP forming a Government and a man like L K Advani wielding power which Indira Gandhi had wished to prevent by the 42nd Amendment Act! Such is the blessing of secularism in this subcontinent!
The people of Bangladesh don't want to tear down any temple or mosque nor do they want to see the religious extremists form a Government or the counterparts of L K Advani wield power. We have enough trouble already. The people of this subcontinent of all religious backgrounds view the word 'secular' or 'secularism' with suspicion if not with abhorrence. What they want is peace and freedom of worship for all religions. Some speakers in roadside political meetings have confounded "secularism" with "religious freedom" but that should not mislead us. Let's not make the same mistake
Let us not make the same mistake as the Government of Indira Gandhi did and give a lever to the religious extremists to mislead the masses. Though apparently contradictory, wise men of yore were right when they said, "If you want peace, prepare for war." We might as well add, "If India wants to see secularism in practice as it did before 1976, it should strike out the word 'secular' from the constitution."
(The writer is a lawyer. He may be reached at mmh5573@yahoo.com)
After the Government decided to withdraw the appeal in respect of the decision regarding the Fifth Amendment to the Constitution, some people are saying that "Bismillah" will disappear and "secularism" will reappear. Others are saying that "Bismillah" will remain but "secularism" will reappear. Yet others presume that there will be "discontinuity" (whatever that means) and chaos.
MPs and Article 65
This writer understands one thing, and that is: the Constitution can be amended by two-thirds of the total members of Parliament according to Article 142, but the expression "members of Parliament" (MPs) definitely means persons elected under Article 65 of the Constitution. When the Constitution is suspended by extra-constitutional means fully or partially, there can't be an election under the Constitution whatever the then Chief Justice Muhammad Munir of Pakistan had said in support of martial law. 300 or so people entering the building, designed by architect Louis Kahn, by any means other than under the provisions of the Constitution do not constitute Jatiya Sangsad or Parliament. They have no authority to legislate anything, let alone amend the Constitution.
Similarly those who gate-crashed Bangabhavan or were dragged to that place were not our Presidents. One does not become a constitutional President merely by taking an oath. However, my intention today is only to offer my views on the title of this write-up. A complicated and serious subject like the Constitution is not my usual cup of tea. So I'll start in a lighter vein. I believe that the reader will not find it completely out of context.
I have a friend who is six feet tall, maintains good health and has always been neatly attired according to the latest sartorial vogue. In my youth I used to envy him; today I do it even more. Once while taking delivery of some clothes he had ordered earlier, a beautiful pair of suit belonging to another customer attracted his notice. He immediately asked the tailor to make a suit exactly like that one. As his measurement was already available with the tailor, my friend did not ask him to take it again. The tailor accepted the order and followed the word "exactly" exactly. The other customer, whose suit appeared attractive to my friend, was only five feet four inches tall. Since he is a very handsome man, my friend did not look bad at all in his new suit. He looked like a respectable scarecrow. Needless to say, the suit was soon discarded.
No bedtime story-book
The Constitution of a country is not a bedtime story book; it is of immense importance and significance. If it makes good reading and enshrines lofty ideals and modern humanitarian principles, it does not mean that it is suitable for every country. To be workable a constitution must relate its provisions to the reality prevailing in the country concerned. The history and traditions of the country have also to be taken into consideration.
At the end of 1972 the so-called '16th Division' was still at large roaming with an unaccounted number of arms and ammunition; political extremists of both the left and the right were wantonly killing each other in the countryside and thugs and extortionists of all degrees and dimensions were active everywhere. Since the Government had called the army 'in aid to civil power', I would say that the Government recognised the fact.
1972 Constitution: No emergency provision
Unlike the preceding constitutions of the sub-continent, the Constitution of 1972 did not even have the provision of preventive detention nor did it empower the Government to declare an emergency. But in 1974 emergency was declared according to the Second Amendment Act which had made provisions for it. The Constitution in its original form would perhaps work in the land created by Begum Rokeya in her Sultana's Dream. I do not blame the framers of the Constitution because the euphoria of our liberation had made all of us so optimistic that we lost sight of reality.
4 amendments in 25 months
The framers of the Constitution decided to amend it thrice (including the introduction of the provision of declaring emergency) before making their fourth and final "amendment" only within 25 months of its adoption. I have put the word amendment within quotation marks because of the remarks of Justice Shahabuddin: "... The Constitution Fourth Amendment Act, dated 25 January 1975, changed the Constitution beyond recognition in many aspects ... The change was so drastic and sudden; Friends were bewildered, Enemies of Liberation had their revenge and the critic said with glee that it is all the same whether damage to democracy is caused by democratically elected persons or by undemocratic means like military coup." (Anwar Hossain Chowdhury Vs Bangladesh 41DLR(AD) 165).
Drastically changed by framers
No hue and cry was raised by the protagonists of the Fourth Amendment and when in 1996 the Awami League (AL) won a majority in the Parliament, they elected Justice Shahbuddin the President though there were aspirants from among the party members. The Awami League deserves to be commended for their tolerance and objectivity.
The fact that the Constitution had to be so drastically changed by its creators within about two years of its adoption is an assertion that it wasn't suitable for us. Some people may be embarrassed by this statement and argue that the 1972 Constitution was suitable when it was adopted and the Fourth Amendment was the requirement of 1975. But this argument seems to lead us to an even more embarrassing situation. It amounts to saying that the Constituent Assembly in general and those steering the drafting of the Constitution in particular did not have the statesman-like quality of seeing only two years ahead. A Constitution of a nation is not a bundle of ad hoc regulations; it is the way of life a nation chooses for itself. It is meant to last a long time; more or less permanent.
Therefore, it is better to admit that the excitement of our liberation had made us adopt some provisions for which we were not ready. The Constitution of the USA was amended 27 times over the past 130 years or so. The Bill of Rights, which was ratified and became effective in 1791, is not considered a single amendment but it counts as ten amendments because it introduces 10 provisions. If we follow this system of counting, what was done in January 1975 would amount to more than 150 amendments as at least 150 items (articles, sub-articles, sub-sub etc) were changed, introduced or deleted.
I do not want to say whether or not 'secularism' should be inserted again in our Constitution because of the sensitivity of the subject and my ineptitude in dealing with such matters. There are many progressive and democratic countries where the concept of secularism is respected, but they refer to the Divine authority in the preamble or in the articles of their constitutions. These constitutions also ensure religious freedom. Most democracies of West Europe and other developed nations have such provisions. The word 'secular' or 'secularism' is found in only a few constitutions. To save space I'll give only one example. In deference to the country's architect Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, who had more than once expressed his desire to make Bangladesh the Switzerland of the East, I have chosen the Constitution of Switzerland. The preamble of the Swiss Constitution begins with "In the name of God Almighty! We the Swiss People and the Cantons..." and Article 15 ensures freedom of faith and conscience.
US: "In God we trust"
Those who do not want to invoke divine blessings in the Constitution should try to find the answer to this question: What is it that the Americans respect the most? -- US Constitution! Democracy! Freedom of Speech! Hollywood Stars! Religious Leaders! Art and Literature! Iraq, Afghanistan and Pakistan! -- WRONG. Is it money? RIGHT. That is why they have inscribed the words "IN GOD WE TRUST" in their bank note and God seems to have taken note of that. Everybody accepts the USD. I simply love it.
I wish my employer paid me as many USD as the number of Taka I receive. Please don't misunderstand me. I am not saying this for any mundane gains but because USD trusts God while most other currencies rely on His humble creations like kings, chancellors and governors. I don't know of any case where by invoking Divine blessings someone became a loser. Bangladesh, India and Pakistan may be different in terms of political status (due to pressure from religious extremists, the desire to create chaos and division by the departing colonial power and finally because all of us agreed to take a wrong turn in 1947) but they are inseparable historically, similar in cultural and absolutely the same insofar as religiosity or as adherence to religion is concerned.
As I already said that I don't want to enter into the argument of whether the Constitution of Bangladesh should reintroduce the word 'secularism' as we are more emotional and less rational while dealing with this subject. I will only mention what India gained by introducing the word 'secular' so that we might draw lessons from there. The old adage is true. For good or for evil what Bangladesh thinks today the rest of India thinks tomorrow.
Indian Constitution: 42nd amendment
In 1976 by the 42nd Amendment Act the Indian Constitution adopted secularism. The relevant portion of the amendment reads as follows: "2.? Amendment of the Preamble. In the Preamble to the Constitution,- (a) for the words "SOVEREIGN DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC" the words "SOVEREIGN SOCIALIST SECULAR DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC" shall be substituted;"? When did the Indian Government lose its secular character? The ball started rolling fast immediately after that amendment!
What prompted the Government of Indira Gandhi to initiate the amendment was not a demand from the people of India. There was none. In the seventies religious extremists of India as a political force began to make headlines in some magazines of considerable influence (published outside India) and which for international strategic reasons did not want to see India flourish as a secular, democratic and powerful state. Indira Gandhi panicked and in a state of panic she failed to remain in her best form. Section 2 of the 42nd Amendment gave a long and strong handle to the religious extremists to exploit the masses.
BJP, Babri Mosque etc
In four years time the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) formally came into existence. The 42nd Amendment made it all the more easy to turn the Golden Temple into a Golden Fort, the demolition of the well-known Babri Mosque at Ayodhya and the burning to death of many Christians. Ultimately India saw a party like the BJP forming a Government and a man like L K Advani wielding power which Indira Gandhi had wished to prevent by the 42nd Amendment Act! Such is the blessing of secularism in this subcontinent!
The people of Bangladesh don't want to tear down any temple or mosque nor do they want to see the religious extremists form a Government or the counterparts of L K Advani wield power. We have enough trouble already. The people of this subcontinent of all religious backgrounds view the word 'secular' or 'secularism' with suspicion if not with abhorrence. What they want is peace and freedom of worship for all religions. Some speakers in roadside political meetings have confounded "secularism" with "religious freedom" but that should not mislead us. Let's not make the same mistake
Let us not make the same mistake as the Government of Indira Gandhi did and give a lever to the religious extremists to mislead the masses. Though apparently contradictory, wise men of yore were right when they said, "If you want peace, prepare for war." We might as well add, "If India wants to see secularism in practice as it did before 1976, it should strike out the word 'secular' from the constitution."
(The writer is a lawyer. He may be reached at mmh5573@yahoo.com)
India, Myanmar join hands to deny Bangladesh's share of continental shelf in the Bay of Bengal
From weekly HOLIDAY:
Though little time is left, the Government is still in slumber and lamentably lagging behind its next-door neighbours in acting on the crucial matter of placing Dhaka's claim to the appropriate authority on her right over the economic zone in the Bay of Bengal. For Dhaka to do this, only about two months are left. Shouldn't the Foreign Office have been up and doing by now regarding this vital matter and held a grand national conference of major political leaders, eminent economists, scholars, geographers and so on?
Although Bangladesh will have to submit its claim on continental shelf by July 27, 2011, but prior to that she will have to dispute the claims of India and Myanmar before the 24th session of the Commission on the Limits of the Continental Shelf this year. Already India, Myanmar and Sri Lanka have submitted their claim on the Continental Shelf to extend their economic sovereignty on the Bay of Bengal as per Article 76, Part VI of the Law of the Sea Convention. India and Myanmar both have submitted their claim beyond 200 nautical miles (NM) as per provisions.
Myanmar updated the claim on April 30, 2009, while India submitted the claim on May 12, 2009 and Sri Lanka submitted the claim on May 8, 2009. Bangladesh will have to submit its claim or dispute, if any, by August before the beginning of the 24th session of the Commission on the Limits of the Continental Shelf to be held in New York from August 10 to September 11, 2009.
India, Myanmar against Bangladesh
It is gathered that India and Myanmar have articulated a joint strategy to claim their extended continental shelf over Bay of Bengal so that they can preempt Bangladesh's right over the Bay of Bengal. In fact the Indian institutes helped Myanmar to prepare its claim. Surprisingly, Myanmar did not seek help from any Chinese institute to prepare the claim this time!
Knowledgeable source said Myanmar and India both have got together to establish their extended rights over the Bay of Bengal, while both the countries opposed Bangladesh's move to lease out the blocks in Bay of Bengal for exploration of oil to the foreign companies. No paper yet from Dhaka Bangladesh will have to submit its claim on continental shelf by July 27, 2011. But it will have to dispute the claims of India and Myanmar before the 24th session of the commission this year.
According to the diplomatic circle in New York, Bangladesh is yet to prepare any paper or report disputing the claimed Continental Shelf by India or Myanmar encroaching the vital economic zone of Bangladesh. Myanmar has made its claim ahead of deadline until May 21, 2009 for submission of its claim, but it submitted ahead of the date. Again, India had time up to June 29, but she has already submitted its claim.
Myanmar claimed in 2008
Myanmar had submitted its claim first on December 16, 2008, which was later updated on April 30, 2009 and now waiting for discussioin the claim in the provisional agenda of the 24th session of the Commission on the Limits of the Continental Shelf. In the introduction to its submission Myanmar stated that this claim is made "to the United Nations Commission on the Limits of the Continental Shelf (CLCS) pursuant to Article 76, paragraph 8 of the Convention in respect of the establishment of the outer limits of the continental shelf beyond 200 nautical miles (M) from the baselines from which the breadth of the territorial sea of Myanmar is measured."
200 nautical miles
It clearly said: "Myanmar is making its submission for extension of its continental shelf in the Bay of Bengal, off Rakhine, and referred to as Rakhine Continental Shelf, beyond 200 nautical miles." The country has collected geophysical data from large area for preparation of the submission. Beyond 200 nautical miles, Yangon will claim at least 60 more nautical miles to satisfy its acquired morphological, geological and tectonic aspects of the data collected from the Bay.
The Goa-based National Centre for Antarctic and Ocean Research (NCAOR) of India which led the Indian side for preparation of the claim, was also engaged for quality control purpose of the Myanmar claim, while National Geophysical research Institute (NGRI) of India helped Myanmar for seismic Data processing and interpretation. Dr N.K Thakur, another consultant, who was former member of the Commission, interpreted acquired geophysical data. Besides, many other institutes of Myanmar were involved.
Continental Shelf
India took nine years to finalize its claim on continental shelf, while the Goa-based national Centre for Antarctica and Ocean Research led eight organizations to collect data and process them to prepare the report. The Indian report has extended its sovereignty beyond 200 nautical miles and within 350 nautical from the baseline. In fact India completed its preparation for this submission at list six months ago and that was passed through different stakeholder ministries to obtain their consent.
According to sources, different studies have so far been collected over seven to eight terabytes of data after surveying the Indian marine area divided into lines totalling 30,000 km. The demarcation of the continental shelf was based on Article 76 of the Part VI of the "Law of the Sea Convention" which also includes determination of water depth, sedimentary rock thickness and precise mapping of the foot of the continental slope. Serious Indo-Bangla dispute India shares maritime boundaries with Indonesia, Thailand, Bangladesh, Myanmar, Pakistan, Maldives and Sri Lanka. Among them Myanmar, Bangladesh and Srilanka have water territory in the Bay of Bengal. India has already negotiated a deal with Myanamar and Sri Lanka, while it has got serious dispute with Bangladesh.
Claiming the continental shelf 'baseline' of the coast is very important. That means from which point the 200 nautical miles will be measured. Bangladesh coastline is very unstable. So Bangladesh demarcated its baseline from a distance of 10 fathom from the shore, which was disputed by both India and Myanmar.
Delhi claims up to 350 NM
Now India is claiming up to 350 nautical miles (NM) from its baseline invoking Article 76 clause V, VI, VII and VIII as continental shelf. This is beyond 200 NM, of the normal territory. If Myanmar extends 60 NM beyond 200 nautical miles and India extends up to 350 nautical miles, the curved coast line may stop Bangladesh to get her outlet. Sri Lanka also has submitted its claim on the southern part of the Bay of Bengal beyond 200 nautical miles, while the Indian line has passed with short distance of less than 24 nautical miles and as such India has already proposed a 'separate agreement' on this issue with Sri Lanka.
In fact in terms of establishing claim on the Bay of Bengal Bangladesh has become isolated. Bangladesh has to resolve the issue on priority basis.
Though little time is left, the Government is still in slumber and lamentably lagging behind its next-door neighbours in acting on the crucial matter of placing Dhaka's claim to the appropriate authority on her right over the economic zone in the Bay of Bengal. For Dhaka to do this, only about two months are left. Shouldn't the Foreign Office have been up and doing by now regarding this vital matter and held a grand national conference of major political leaders, eminent economists, scholars, geographers and so on?
Although Bangladesh will have to submit its claim on continental shelf by July 27, 2011, but prior to that she will have to dispute the claims of India and Myanmar before the 24th session of the Commission on the Limits of the Continental Shelf this year. Already India, Myanmar and Sri Lanka have submitted their claim on the Continental Shelf to extend their economic sovereignty on the Bay of Bengal as per Article 76, Part VI of the Law of the Sea Convention. India and Myanmar both have submitted their claim beyond 200 nautical miles (NM) as per provisions.
Myanmar updated the claim on April 30, 2009, while India submitted the claim on May 12, 2009 and Sri Lanka submitted the claim on May 8, 2009. Bangladesh will have to submit its claim or dispute, if any, by August before the beginning of the 24th session of the Commission on the Limits of the Continental Shelf to be held in New York from August 10 to September 11, 2009.
India, Myanmar against Bangladesh
It is gathered that India and Myanmar have articulated a joint strategy to claim their extended continental shelf over Bay of Bengal so that they can preempt Bangladesh's right over the Bay of Bengal. In fact the Indian institutes helped Myanmar to prepare its claim. Surprisingly, Myanmar did not seek help from any Chinese institute to prepare the claim this time!
Knowledgeable source said Myanmar and India both have got together to establish their extended rights over the Bay of Bengal, while both the countries opposed Bangladesh's move to lease out the blocks in Bay of Bengal for exploration of oil to the foreign companies. No paper yet from Dhaka Bangladesh will have to submit its claim on continental shelf by July 27, 2011. But it will have to dispute the claims of India and Myanmar before the 24th session of the commission this year.
According to the diplomatic circle in New York, Bangladesh is yet to prepare any paper or report disputing the claimed Continental Shelf by India or Myanmar encroaching the vital economic zone of Bangladesh. Myanmar has made its claim ahead of deadline until May 21, 2009 for submission of its claim, but it submitted ahead of the date. Again, India had time up to June 29, but she has already submitted its claim.
Myanmar claimed in 2008
Myanmar had submitted its claim first on December 16, 2008, which was later updated on April 30, 2009 and now waiting for discussioin the claim in the provisional agenda of the 24th session of the Commission on the Limits of the Continental Shelf. In the introduction to its submission Myanmar stated that this claim is made "to the United Nations Commission on the Limits of the Continental Shelf (CLCS) pursuant to Article 76, paragraph 8 of the Convention in respect of the establishment of the outer limits of the continental shelf beyond 200 nautical miles (M) from the baselines from which the breadth of the territorial sea of Myanmar is measured."
200 nautical miles
It clearly said: "Myanmar is making its submission for extension of its continental shelf in the Bay of Bengal, off Rakhine, and referred to as Rakhine Continental Shelf, beyond 200 nautical miles." The country has collected geophysical data from large area for preparation of the submission. Beyond 200 nautical miles, Yangon will claim at least 60 more nautical miles to satisfy its acquired morphological, geological and tectonic aspects of the data collected from the Bay.
The Goa-based National Centre for Antarctic and Ocean Research (NCAOR) of India which led the Indian side for preparation of the claim, was also engaged for quality control purpose of the Myanmar claim, while National Geophysical research Institute (NGRI) of India helped Myanmar for seismic Data processing and interpretation. Dr N.K Thakur, another consultant, who was former member of the Commission, interpreted acquired geophysical data. Besides, many other institutes of Myanmar were involved.
Continental Shelf
India took nine years to finalize its claim on continental shelf, while the Goa-based national Centre for Antarctica and Ocean Research led eight organizations to collect data and process them to prepare the report. The Indian report has extended its sovereignty beyond 200 nautical miles and within 350 nautical from the baseline. In fact India completed its preparation for this submission at list six months ago and that was passed through different stakeholder ministries to obtain their consent.
According to sources, different studies have so far been collected over seven to eight terabytes of data after surveying the Indian marine area divided into lines totalling 30,000 km. The demarcation of the continental shelf was based on Article 76 of the Part VI of the "Law of the Sea Convention" which also includes determination of water depth, sedimentary rock thickness and precise mapping of the foot of the continental slope. Serious Indo-Bangla dispute India shares maritime boundaries with Indonesia, Thailand, Bangladesh, Myanmar, Pakistan, Maldives and Sri Lanka. Among them Myanmar, Bangladesh and Srilanka have water territory in the Bay of Bengal. India has already negotiated a deal with Myanamar and Sri Lanka, while it has got serious dispute with Bangladesh.
Claiming the continental shelf 'baseline' of the coast is very important. That means from which point the 200 nautical miles will be measured. Bangladesh coastline is very unstable. So Bangladesh demarcated its baseline from a distance of 10 fathom from the shore, which was disputed by both India and Myanmar.
Delhi claims up to 350 NM
Now India is claiming up to 350 nautical miles (NM) from its baseline invoking Article 76 clause V, VI, VII and VIII as continental shelf. This is beyond 200 NM, of the normal territory. If Myanmar extends 60 NM beyond 200 nautical miles and India extends up to 350 nautical miles, the curved coast line may stop Bangladesh to get her outlet. Sri Lanka also has submitted its claim on the southern part of the Bay of Bengal beyond 200 nautical miles, while the Indian line has passed with short distance of less than 24 nautical miles and as such India has already proposed a 'separate agreement' on this issue with Sri Lanka.
In fact in terms of establishing claim on the Bay of Bengal Bangladesh has become isolated. Bangladesh has to resolve the issue on priority basis.
Sunday, December 28, 2008
I will not vote tomorrow
I’m still struggling to decide if I would vote tomorrow. The struggle is unique as I did not vote during the last three CTG periods. Wife and well-wishers are suggesting going and voting for ‘no’ which I find useless. Why one should stand in queue for hours to vote ‘no? This facility should have been offered on-line!
Any way, my argument is simple: voting turns you into numbers, which I refuse to become. Moreover, my voting is not that important as no change will occur through my voting. By voting I don’t want to loose my neutrality. Worst still, you become labeled and branded. One anonymous said; voting is like going to a slave auction where you are the slave, but are allowed to choose which master you will serve. I don’t want to be a slave. Nonvoting is also a democratic right. And I want to exercise that right.
Any way, my argument is simple: voting turns you into numbers, which I refuse to become. Moreover, my voting is not that important as no change will occur through my voting. By voting I don’t want to loose my neutrality. Worst still, you become labeled and branded. One anonymous said; voting is like going to a slave auction where you are the slave, but are allowed to choose which master you will serve. I don’t want to be a slave. Nonvoting is also a democratic right. And I want to exercise that right.
Friday, October 24, 2008
Military-media Relations in Bangladesh 1975-1990
A new book titled ‘Military-media Relations in Bangladesh 1975-1990' has just been published and is now available in bookstores in New Market and Shahbag in Dhaka. The author is Rezwan-ul-Alam. Hugh Stephenson, Emeritus Professor of Journalism, City University, London, has written an introduction.
This pioneering study explores some selected aspects of mass communication in relation to direct and indirect military rule in Bangladesh from 1975 to 1990. The study tries to give answers to questions like these: Did Bangladeshi journalists facilitate the imposition of military rule? Did some influential journalists actively conspire to help bring in military rule? Did a section of journalists receive benefits and favors from the military governments? Were military rulers responsible for the deterioration of standards of journalism in the country? Was the role of the journalists’ positive in fighting the autocracy as has been portrayed by the journalists themselves?
The study also explored the issues such as: a) what were the general views of the Bangladeshi editors on military rule and the media? b) what were the views? f the journalists about various aspects of military-media relations in Bangladesh? c) what was the attitude of the Bangladesh army towards the media? d) what were the media policies of the military governments? e) how did the local press cover the imposition of military rule? f) what was the role of the journalists in upholding the ideals of the freedom of the press? d) how did the British press cover the reports on Bangladesh military in the years 1972-1990? g) what role did the BBC and VOA's Bengali Services play during 15 years of direct and indirect military rule in Bangladesh; and h) what were the effects of direct and indirect military rule on the functioning of media? This ground-breaking work attempts to answer those questions raised above.
This pioneering study explores some selected aspects of mass communication in relation to direct and indirect military rule in Bangladesh from 1975 to 1990. The study tries to give answers to questions like these: Did Bangladeshi journalists facilitate the imposition of military rule? Did some influential journalists actively conspire to help bring in military rule? Did a section of journalists receive benefits and favors from the military governments? Were military rulers responsible for the deterioration of standards of journalism in the country? Was the role of the journalists’ positive in fighting the autocracy as has been portrayed by the journalists themselves?
The study also explored the issues such as: a) what were the general views of the Bangladeshi editors on military rule and the media? b) what were the views? f the journalists about various aspects of military-media relations in Bangladesh? c) what was the attitude of the Bangladesh army towards the media? d) what were the media policies of the military governments? e) how did the local press cover the imposition of military rule? f) what was the role of the journalists in upholding the ideals of the freedom of the press? d) how did the British press cover the reports on Bangladesh military in the years 1972-1990? g) what role did the BBC and VOA's Bengali Services play during 15 years of direct and indirect military rule in Bangladesh; and h) what were the effects of direct and indirect military rule on the functioning of media? This ground-breaking work attempts to answer those questions raised above.
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